Although some media such as Globovisión, RCTV and El Universal exhibited an early dislike for Chávez, others such as Venevisión, Televen or El Nacional –although without making it explicit– decisively supported his mobile phone number list candidacy, giving him visibility and favorable coverage. These supports presupposed the continuity of the old logic of accommodation between the State and the media mobile phone number list that dominated the democracy of Punto Fijo.
In fact, initially the expectations in terms of appointments and regulatory decisionsThey seemed satisfied. However, after the first mobile phone number list months of government, it was beginning to be clear that Chávez had his own political agenda in which there was no room for transactional logic. In this way, excluded from access to the State –from the «right to be co-opted»–, almost all of the big media aligned themselves against the government. Chávez's choice to break with the policy mobile phone number list of accommodation led them to refocus on denouncing the government, the genre that had empowered them in the previous decade. Pulverized the traditional parties, that place erected them into a magnet and forum for all the dissatisfied and dissident orphans of an expressive place.
Thus, the beginning of the process of mobile phone number list political polarization in Venezuela is the product of a mirror relationship that divided the country into two antagonistic camps. Chávez's populist mobilization –in which the big media are defined as part of the established power– is inseparable from a simultaneous anti-populist mobilization. In it, the private media are central articulators from the denunciation of the «regime» as an enemy of «democracy».